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  • The Beautiful Simplicity of Life After Ghosts and Monsters

    Sometimes, Christians ask if I regret living in such a boring world. After all, they believe in angels and demons, heaven and hell, God and Satan. I just believe in the world I directly experience. Do I feel like I’m losing something? Do I feel empty?

    Out of all the things I miss in Christianity, that epic world that so many Christians love is not one of them. For me, it was a nightmare.

    Honestly. I mean, these days…I don’t really know how I managed to get through life when I thought that things in my life happened because the devil was trying to tempt me or God was trying to show me something. Every temptation to go against the Christian code was a test, with God sitting there, looking at me, and Satan eagerly hoping that I would walk right into the trap he had set for me. Seemingly random events might have a purpose God wanted me to see within it. That…really made my life a lot more complicated than it is now, plus, well, it’s stressful to be watched 24/7 by all-powerful beings you can’t see.

    This battle was intimidating. After all, I thought, “we are not fighting against flesh-and-blood enemies, but against evil rulers and authorities of the unseen world, against mighty powers in this dark world, and against evil spirits in the heavenly places” (Ephesians 6:12).

    For some people this background is beautiful. The “real world” is boring, and the haunted world, with heavenly and hellish beings, makes the world more beautiful and exciting. For others, these beings are metaphors, perhaps, that empower them to live their lives better.

    It wasn’t that, for me. In my case, God, Satan, and the rest complicated my life.

    The world was epic and overwhelming, a constant horror flick filled with angels and demons I couldn’t touch or see.

    When I left God, I left all that fear and mystery behind.

    There are no monsters in the closet. No haunts under the bed. Events in my life — good and bad — aren’t reactions from God to I have to worry about. I don’t wonder about God’s plan for my life, or anyone’s life. People don’t suffer because of Satan; they suffer because terrible things happen, and it’s not part of any divine plan — it’s up to us to do something about it.

    And when someone dies, I don’t worry about whether they went to heaven or hell. I just live in the blunt reality that they died, that I contributed to their life and they contributed to mine, that I am free to interpret their influence in my life, and that I can be a person who uses their bittersweet physical and philosophical legacy to nourish future generations.

    The raw, naked simplicity of reality keeps me focused and clear-minded. It’s beautiful.

    I’ve kinda gotten used to it, but sometimes I’m reminded of that epic world I used to live in.

    And I shudder. I don’t want to go back to the epic horror story.

    I don’t want to worry about imaginary monsters anymore, when there is so much in the world that is right in front of me to embrace and explore. When there are people to love, songs to listen and dance to, jokes to be told, trails to be run, books to be read, life histories to share in the raw simplicity of what I actually experience.

    I love this simplicity — it feels firmer, like I’m actually grasping reality, and in that way it makes me feel secure. I don’t want my psyche to go back to the shadowlands of my demon-and-angel-haunted past. If it works for you, OK; as long as you don’t hurt people, I care about you, and I appreciate any care you show me.

    It’s just a personal preference — it’s my story. I’ve felt horror and ecstasy in that world of imagination, full of demons and God, and my life is much healthier now. I don’t want to go back.

    To you, perhaps, this life I live may seem dull, muted, like I’m missing out. But let me put it this way:

    Every night when I peacefully close my eyes and drift to sleep, I’m deeply grateful that I don’t have to worry about angels and demons around me, in the closet, under the bed, or floating in the air…

    And I sleep better.

    And wake up, glad I’m here, and that you’re here, and that the real, flesh-and-blood, grits-and-gravel world is here. And I’m relieved. I got out of a haunted shadowland, and I’m actually Here now.

    I mean…that raw sense of presence is one of the most honest, beautiful things about my life these days.

    You may not agree, but hopefully you understand.

    Thanks for reading.

    PS: I want to thank all 34 of my patrons for supporting this blog. Without them, you likely wouldn’t have been able to read this. So, thanks.

  • On Respecting A God I Don’t Believe In

    I’ve long made the argument that if Christians believe in God, they shouldn’t be insulted when I insult God. After all, I’m insulting GOD. Can’t He defend Himself? Why does He need to be protected by their egos? So I’ve insulted God with abandon.

    But recently, I’ve been double-guessing that.

    As I’ve said before, my primary goal in life is to ensure that people live the happiest, most fulfilled lives they possibly can live. And I’ve had to admit that this happiness and fulfillment comes in different ways to different people. For some people, despite my initial doubts, I’ve had to admit it comes from a belief in a God I don’t believe in.

    I mean, the thing is that I don’t think I’m insulting God when I’m insulting God, because I don’t think God exists. I’m insulting an idea, a concept that has brought a lot of pain and hurt in my life and the lives of many I care about. God is also a concept that has been used to control and psychologically annihilate others who do not realize this is the case.

    However, I’ve had to reluctantly admit, over the past few years, that this overall negative version of God isn’t the same version everyone believes in. I wish it were that simple, but it’s not. The truth may be that God doesn’t exist, but the truth is not guaranteed to be pleasant, and some people manage to get through their lives with a deeper sense of happiness, I think, if they believe that God does exist — especially in the predominantly Christian culture I live in.

    Granted, some people get their sense of happiness and fulfillment from leaving a God who controlled their lives every day, from walking away from this God and repudiating its control over their lives. A major part of me connects to these people, because in many ways I am one of them.

    But I hesitate to take happiness away from people.

    I mean, there’s no guarantee that the people in my life who believe in God will ever leave God and have the beautiful God-free life I embrace these days. It may very well be that they’ll believe in God all their lives. So do I really want to make their lives miserable by going out of my way to insult them?

    That question complicates my stance on God. I’m fine insulting the concept of God where it is a source of pain. But if I insult a God who is a source of happiness, maybe I’m causing some of the pain. And I’d prefer to cause as little pain as possible.

    This doesn’t mean I can’t be honest about my stance, but one can be honest without being rude. Because when I’m rude, I might be saying more than, “I don’t care about God” — I may also be saying, “I don’t care about your feelings or emotions.” Which isn’t true.

    Sometimes, admittedly, the rudeness comes from my own anger at the concept of God and the havoc it creates around the world. But that anger is not a disregard for the feelings and happiness of individuals; I don’t mean to tell people that their feelings and emotions themselves are worthless. And that, it seems, is where the delicateness of the situation can come in.

    It’s something I’m carrying forward in my personal life, so I thought I’d share it with you. I’m starting to be a bit more diplomatic to some individual Christians, without losing my strong criticism of the concept of God in general. My guiding light in both of these things is my ultimate goal, which is to ensure as much happiness and fulfillment in humanity as I can.

    What about you, fellow atheists? How do you reconcile your desire to enrich humanity with your attitude towards God in your personal life? No, I’m not just talking about your Internet life — I mean with the people you know who are Christians that you love and care about. Feel free to let me know in the comments below.

    Thanks for reading.

    PS: Thank you to the 34 patrons who empower me to share these thoughts. Y’all are awesome!

     

  • How I Found Value After I Stopped Believing In God

    When I was a Christian, I thought that I would not have value if God didn’t exist. The only way that I would have value is if a God who exalted me above the rest of existence came into my life and declared I was valuable.

    I think a lot of Christians have that mentality. When I say that I don’t believe in God, they wonder how I get on without deep depression when I don’t have any God-given worth or value. To be honest, when I first left Christianity, I wondered that myself. I had lost my status as a Child of God, so what made me valuable? What made me special? What made my life “mean” anything?

    I mean, I was basically atoms and molecules that gave rise to consciousness; I wasn’t set apart or superior to the universe. I’d be lying if I said that this wasn’t depressing at first. Going from being someone that God deeply valued to just being another infinitesimal part of the universe was a bit traumatic.

    But as that realization became my New Normal, something else began to happen. The fact that I wasn’t consecrated and separated from the rest of the universe made me feel more part of it. It gave me a sense belonging — one that wasn’t rooted in trying to please God, but rather in the raw fact that I existed, inherently harmonious with everything else.

    That sense of belonging enabled me to appreciate the universe in a different way. When I was a Christian, I would look at it all with an air of God-given superiority, as if it was all there for me to be impressed by God’s glory. Now, as an atheist, I look at the rest of existence as if I am part of it. I don’t look at the stars in the night sky or the wonder of a waterfall as if it is purely outside of me; I look at it as if it is part of the same universe I am part of, as if we are fundamentally made of the same stuff, just in a different form. It’s a less lonely world in that way. It’s peaceful to me.

    I also know, though, that in this reality we can consciously choose to prize some people and things over and above others. Before, I would say that something or someone was valuable because God said so, because God had supposed veto power over things that people valued in this world; you could say something was valuable, but it wasn’t really valuable unless God put His rubber stamp on it. To be honest, there was a kind of comfort in this, at the time. I could say things that I really wanted to be valuable, like love, were valuable not because I, one person out of billions, said so, but because God said so.

    When I left Christianity, at first it was deeply humbling to admit that the things I valued were just that — the things valued. And many people did not care about the things I valued. I couldn’t invoke God to support the things I valued. It was just me.

    But as I continued being an atheist, I found that other people valued many of the same things I valued, and together we could create an enclave, a section of the universe that could actually care about other parts of the universe.

    It’s beautiful, to me, that I have the ability to love other people, and that those people have the ability to love me. I may not matter more than the rest of the universe, if we take human judgment out of the equation, but it’s a beautiful thing to me that I matter more to you.

    To you. To someone I can touch, talk to, see, etc. It’s different. No, you’re not great in the way I thought God was when I believed He existed, but you’re accessible. You’re There. And so am I.

    I’m not sure if I would say this point of view is better than the Christian viewpoint. For some people it may be, but the fact that something is true does not mean that it is pleasant.

    But it is a shift that has caused me to live with a sense of security and peace as an atheist, so maybe it’ll help you, too.

    Thank you for reading.

    PS: I want to thank all 34 of my patrons for supporting this blog post. Y’all are awesome.

  • An English Lesson on What “I Wouldn’t Even” Means

    OK, I gotta address this — not just for the sake of my background as a blogger who primarily focuses on social justice issues, but also as an English professor. Both sides of my psyche are a bit offended.

    So, infamously, at the Mythicist Milwaukee conference (click here for context) YouTuber Sargon of Akkad, whose real name is Carl Benjamin, defended his infamous “I wouldn’t even rape you” statement, which he made to a member of parliament in the UK. This was the exchange, which he had with Thomas Smith:

    Thomas Smith: So this is someone who’s a woman — a sexual assault survivor — someone that we all know (like, she was public it), and [what you said is] in response to her campaign to try to fight online harassment and you saw fit to to tweet at her “I wouldn’t even rape you.”

    *crowd cheers loudly in support of the “I wouldn’t even rape you” statement”*

    Carl Benjamin: Yep.

    *crowd continues cheering, Carl turns to crowd, points, then turns back and smiles at Thomas Smith*

    Carl Benjamin: Do you understand why your moral outrage about that is something I just don’t care about?

    Thomas Smith: Because you’re awful.

    Carl Benjamin: Well, that’s it [as if assessing Thomas Smith’s claim, not as dismissal].

    Thomas Smith: You’re awful.

    Carl Benjamin: That’s exactly —

    Thomas Smith: That is an unacceptable thing to say to somebody.

    *crowd protests*

    Thomas Smith (addresses crowd): To tell a rape victim, a sexual assault victim, “I wouldn’t even rape you,” is DISGUSTING —

    Carl Benjamin (crosstalk, as Thomas Smith continues): Why?

    Thomas Smith: — that’s behavior that should be beyond the pale —

    Carl Benjamin (crosstalk): Why?

    Thomas Smith: — and everyone everybody cheering, and everybody who is a part of inviting you —

    Carl Benjamin (crosstalk): It’s not an insult. It’s not a threat.

    Thomas Smith: — you have signaled to the women in the movement: you do not give a shit about using rape as a threat to bully somebody. So that’s what you have signaled.

    *scattered claps in support of Thomas Smith*

    Carl Benjamin: It’s not a threat. It’s the antithesis of a threat. That’s the point — the whole point of it was to demonstrate that I would say “I won’t do something” and you will say. “That’s a threat.”

    So, who’s right? Is the phrase “I wouldn’t even rape you” performing the function of, in Thomas Smith’s words, “using rape as a threat to bully somebody,” or not?

    I hate that this is even a question. The answer is obvious — of course it’s a threat. It is a terrible threat, a damaging threat, an odious threat, and it is nearly beyond me how anyone could pretend not to know that. But, just the same, I’ll break it down, because it seems to me like a lot of people are being gaslighted.

    Let’s go to the dictionary.

    The key word in “I wouldn’t even rape you” is “even” — without that word, the phrase wouldn’t be disputed. “I wouldn’t rape you” means exactly that.

    But, to hear Carl and his Sargoons talk, “I wouldn’t rape you” and “I wouldn’t even rape you” are equivalent.

    Let’s consult Merriam Webster for the definition of “even” here. “Even rape” is using “even” as an adverb, so we’ll go down to the adverb definition:

    1. Used to emphasize something surprising or extreme.

    ‘they have never even heard of the United States’

    So “even” is meant to point out something surprising or something extreme.

    In other words, if someone hasn’t even heard of the United States (which is shocking in many contexts — I mean, you’d usually expect that most people have heard of the United States), then you’re implying that most people have actually heard, or logically should have heard, about the United States. Otherwise, the fact that “they” haven’t wouldn’t be surprising. 

    Also, the “even” indicates the extent of what they haven’t heard of in relation to that geographical category. They might have heard of North America, or the Western Hemisphere. That’s all available knowledge for them, as not hearing of the United States is the extreme of what they haven’t heard of; beyond that boundary, everything is fair game for their knowledge.

    So, when Carl Benjamin says “I wouldn’t even rape you” he’s saying both of those things.

    First, he’s saying that rape would, in other analogous instances, be the expected course of events. Otherwise, the act of rape wouldn’t be surprising. The implication is a classic Carl Benjamin move, several have claimed — he wouldn’t rape her himself, which is surprising…why? Because he would rape other women or (more disturbingly, considering his hundreds of thousands of avid followers) because it would be normal or expected for other people to rape the MP (or other women)? He has to mean the first or the second of those options for the refusal to rape to be surprising and thus warrant the “even.”

    Second, he’s saying that rape is the extreme of what he wouldn’t do; beyond that, everything else is fair game. Sexual assault up to rape is fair game; if the extreme of what he wouldn’t do was touch her, he would say that, because he’s talking about the extremes of behavior that he wouldn’t perform. If he didn’t mean to invoke rape as the extreme (leaving everything else in the category of sexual assault, which is the category invoked when you use “rape,” as something that he might do), then he should not have used the word “even.”

    Obviously, what he’s saying is a textbook example of a threat. A sexual assault threat. Is it a rape threat? No. But that’s not what Thomas said. He said Carl was using rape as a threat to bully somebody.

    Which he was. He used the concept of rape, clearly, in the form of threat towards any form of abuse short of rape, which is clearly a bullying move.

    Duh.

    And that “duh” brings me to a final point: Why do I have to talk about this obvious meaning in the English language?

    Because there is a large group of people that wants to threaten women, and get away with it while making these women look illogical for protesting, because they think it is fun and it gives them a power trip. In their minds, Carl Benjamin is a genius because he accomplished this by using “I wouldn’t even rape you” and then gaslighting as nonsensical everyone who points out the clear meaning of that phrase…all the while smugly repeating it.

    They knew it was abusive from the start; they just wanted the added abuse of trying to make women doubt the basics of the English language and thus silence their protests in the face of clear abuse. Not only do the women live in fear of sexual assault; they also are pressured to be confused and doubt their valid concerns are valid. And the people making them feel this way think it’s hilarious and awesome.

    When Thomas Smith called Carl and his followers “awful,” he was being polite.

    Thanks for reading.

    PS: Thank you to the 34 patrons who support this blog. Y’all are awesome!

  • Should You Feel Guilty for Being White?

    I wince every time someone asks me if I expect them to apologize because they’re white. Because that’s not what I’m saying. It not only paints me into an irrational corner by misrepresenting my argument; it shows that whoever I am talking to does not care about listening to me and only wants to strawman me  so they can discount what I’m saying.

    Most black people I know are not insisting that white people in America need to apologize for their skin tone. To state the obvious, we all know that your skin tone is not your fault. You do not have to do penance for the color of your skin, and anyone on the right who claims that we ARE saying you have to apologize for your skin tone is simply not listening.

    As I’m writing this, I’m realizing that this clarification probably pointless. In spite of the fact that this is my third paragraph now, front and center at the top of this post, insisting that I’m not saying that white people should feel guilty for their skin tone, many who read this post will insist that this is exactly what I’m saying. And when someone is that insistent and determined to misrepresent those who speak up in defense of minorities in this country, I tend to think that maybe, just maybe, they have ulterior motives. Maybe they’re a bit racist, and the strawman justifies that racism.

    No, I’m not saying that they should feel bad about being racist if they are; that’s beside the point. Truth be told, I don’t really care how you feel. I care about actions, and have absolutely no interest in guilt-tripping anyone — what I do when I look at the past history of racism is try to figure out ways we can fix present and future culture so that the strains of inequality stop happening.

    You see, the problem is that most people who are against social justice are extremely sensitive every time someone brings up the past as relevant to the present moment. They are so terrified that people are trying to make them feel guilty that they do not care about history or current accounts of racism — merely bringing this up, they think, is a personal attack against them.

    But again, most of us are not trying to make anyone feel guilty. I have no need for apologies. I just want change. When I read about black men shot by white cops, for example, I’m not interested in white people throwing a pity party, let alone interested in inviting them to one myself (the idea is a bit icky and gross, to be honest with you). I just want change, any way I can get it, so that I don’t get shot.

    Besides, in my experience, making white people guilty inspires fear and resentment in them more than it inspires change. But white people seem so susceptible to guilt that it seems I can’t talk about race problems in the US without inspiring guilt or a denial of guilt in white people who eavesdrop.

    But this is not about your guilt, though, white people. It’s not. That’s such a masturbatory way to look at the problem…

    It’s about people who are not being treated fairly in society, and how it affects them. And all of us.

    Now, I’d say how you should care about black people, but I know that’s pointless. Over the last few years, I’ve kinda resigned myself to the fact that many white people do not care how much black people have to struggle in this country. Actually, more than that — they see this struggle as a reason to leave black people alone, in their communities, with their limited resources, and let them pull themselves up by their own bootstraps.

    We tried that already. It was called segregation. I thought we agreed it was a bad decision — but at any rate, that’s what many people these days, with pre-1964 wet dreams, seem to believe. So they do not care what happens to black communities, unless it’s something negative that proves their point. Even more, many wear their callousness towards black communities like a badge of honor.

    I’ve become convinced that I can’t get people stuck in a segregation-era mindset to care about black people. Because they’re scared to care, I think. Because they are afraid that the moment they do care, they’ll feel guilty about what racism has done in those communities, and there is no penance that will be enough to remove that guilt. So their fear keeps them callous, and their projection labels those fighting for their rights as fragile “snowflakes,” when the real ones afraid are them — the anti-social justice advocates who are terrified of guilt from admitting the reality of horrible racism that happened in the past and that continue to happen in the present.

    The attempts to change people’s minds so that they care are often tiring, and I’m not sure they will ever get these people to care. I’m not gonna lie — sometimes it’s easy to resent the political speeches, the marches, the advocacy, and the whole bit that’s done on black people’s behalf. Because they turn me into an issue — which I am, but at the same time, that’s uncomfortable. I’m not just a political topic. I’m not a manufacturer of pity or guilt. At the base of it all, I’m just a person.

    I’m a human being. I’m not just a talking point. I’m not just a theory. I’m real, with real experiences, dreams, goals, feelings, and the rest. I’m not an agent of guilt; I’m a person who is being treated unfairly and would like justice. And that position has been so trapped in politics and the insecurities of so many white people in this country that I feel, in writing something that I hope will produce change, that I have to lose or disregard some of my humanity for a moment. That I have to look at myself not as a person, who is valuable because I’m a human being, but as a thing who has to prove its use to you to justify its existence. To be clear, at this point, I don’t feel angry about this necessity — at least, not most of the time. More often than that, I simply feel resigned to it.

    It’s like that “Kill The Poor” skit below. In it, members of parliament and the prime minister are discussing an economic problem, and the prime minister says to run the calculation of what would happen if they killed all the poor. At first the MPs protest, but finally they do it, and then says, “The computer says it won’t help, so we won’t do it.” The Prime Minister is horrified and says:

    I shouldn’t have asked you to run that [calculation of killing all the poor] through it, because it turns out to be the come out positive, you would have started work by now. Here I am blue-sky thinking amongst friends, and I didn’t realize, is there any coldhearted pragmatism that’s keeping you from pumping gas into little.

    I’m confused, sir.

    No, just because the computer says that killing all the poor will help the economy, doesn’t mean I’m going to do it, it’s morally wrong Anne that’s why we can run it through the computer because we know whatever it says, we are not going to do it, that’s the page I’m on Anne; are you going to burn the book?

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mku-rUTG3eg

    So…yeah. I’d like to think that you will take the value of black people in this country for granted, admit that segregation is wrong, and help black individuals simply because of the apparently mind-blowing reason that we are human beings — not out of guilt, but out of a genuine sense of concern, like you would have for others in this country who share your skin tone. But I know that’s impossible, for many, and would get them labeled “cucks” and all kinds of other slurs. You can’t care, because you are afraid that if you do, we will try to make you feel guilty for being white even though that is NOT the point.

    So, anyway, if you don’t care about marginalized people in this country, here’s why you should fix the problem: Unequal opportunity hurts all of us.

    Every day there is inequality in job hiring, for example, we are not getting the best people for jobs. We’re losing money as a society. Our GDP is going down. If you’re going to be coldhearted about it, there’s a reason for you. Don’t worry about caring about black people, or “black lives matter,” or any of that. Worry about society. All of it. Making it better.

    We can’t do anything about guilt. It just makes you whiny, impotent, and trapped in anger and resentment, snowflakes, at least in my experience. So fine. Stop feeling guilty. PLEASE stop feeling guilty. It’s annoying, angering, masturbatory, and doesn’t accomplish a thing. Your desire to create an egalitarian society for the benefit of our collective well-being actually might prompt some real, actual change.

    That’s what most of us our saying, anyway. We’re not complaining about your lack of guilt; we’re complaining about your lack of action.

    Another thing: When you read about the past, read it to understand, not to feel guilty. Also, you didn’t have anything to do with the past in the past, so don’t ruin that by being part of perpetuating the past in the future. When we’re trying to make you acknowledge the history behind  racism in this country, we’re usually not trying to make you feel guilty; we are diagnosing and helping you diagnose the problem. Because we aren’t segregated anymore. We’re in this together. And we have to go forward with the mentality that we will work on inequality together if we’re going to progress as a society…whether you care about us black people or not.

    And finally, hardly anyone is ever saying that white people can’t speak. When someone says that black people are saying that, I know that they’re exaggerating.

    What most of us are saying is that black people are a bigger authority on what the real-world experience of being black in America is than white people, overall. So if you really want to solve the problem of racial inequality in America, and identify the problems that cause it in order to make us a healthier society, the best resource for you to locate the sources of the problem is other black people. This does not mean that black people know how to solve all the problems, necessarily; if we could, we would not have the problems. But these conversations can empower us to locate sources of the problem in history and start working towards solutions — much more than conversations that are only between people in this country who do not experience these problems. That’s what we’re saying most of the time.

    Please, pay attention to the context before you skip to conclusions, and if you’re not going to care about black people, at least focus on creating a better society for as all as we push forward.

    Thanks for reading.

    PS: I want to thank all 34 of my patrons for supporting this blog. It’s a pleasure to work with you.

  • Notes on My Disturbing Discussion with Sargon of Akkad

    I recently had a discussion with Sargon of Akkad and was surprised by a few of his views…

    Sargon of Akkad thinks the discussion on race heated up around 2011.

    He thinks that the fact that first-generation immigrants who come to the US under very high standards and do well indicates that racism isn’t a big deal.

    He thinks that the ills of the black family are best remedied by encouraging black men to marry black women.

    Those are three views that I encountered in talking to him this morning in a livestream, and I have to admit…I’m a bit taken aback.

    Apparently, I have to argue that the genesis of current outrage regarding racial inequality is not 2011.

    The idea that I would have to refute the claim that the discussion on race has only recently heated up around 2011 is mind-boggling to me. I wonder where, exactly, people have been. It is true that there has been an outrage against racist policing in the wake of documented police brutality and lies, but that is a continuation of an outrage that has been going on for centuries, which should be obvious to anyone who has ever studied history.

    The notion that concern over racism began around 2011 is so deeply ingrained in the mindset of Sargon that merely bringing up racial conflict before 2011 seems to prompt summary dismissal. For example, Sargon could say that race wasn’t a prominent topic of discussion in the 1980s and 1990s except (he alleges) in academia, and his audience nods sagely. When I respond by bringing up the racist drug war, the racist welfare reform push that stigmatized black families, and the racist push for policies enacted against crime by Bill Clinton (which were a prominent topic of conversation in Hillary Clinton’s campaign — not sure how he missed it) — all prominent definers of the 1980s and 1990s — all of a sudden that’s off topic because it’s in the past. The past he was just so busy mischaracterizing.

    His other backup plan is to say, “No, but POPULAR culture wasn’t discussing this…” which is mind-blowing. Even if the above incidents are dismissed…the OJ Simpson trial, in 1995, was arguably the most publicized trial in the entirety of American history. And then there was the turmoil of the Rodney King riots, as well. If you don’t think highly publicized incidents like this put race at the forefront of American consciousness, you’re disingenuous or jaw-droppingly ignorant.

    The 1990s and 1980s were on fire with racial controversy. To say that this wasn’t part of popular culture is like saying that the Kardashians (who got their fame, if you trace it back, ultimately from the OJ Simpson trial) are not part of popular culture. I mean, I don’t know how he gets there.

    I do see, though, the convenience of the insistent lie that this attention to race sprung up, ex nihilo, around 2011. It’s certainly helpful in enforcing the anti-SJW narrative that they are responding to the antagonists who initiated the debate on race, but it’s also simply not true. It’s mind-bogglingly, clearly obvious that this is not true, which is why Sargon and his ilk seem to have to insist so hard that everything that happened before 2011 is irrelevant unless they’re referring to it to insist a conversation that existed was nonexistent. Looking before this supposed 2011 genesis of the race debate would ruin their narrative that this is a new problem that social justice advocates started, that anti-SJWs are on defense, and that the people fighting racism don’t have an unbroken long history (up to the present moment) of real grievances. It would force them to admit that, fundamentally, their side started the war against equality, and it is those fighting for Civil Rights who have been defending against aggression from day one.

    It’s fascinating that such a clearly wrong erasure and revision of history seems so essential for preserving and protecting their narrative.

    And it’s disturbing that such a lie would take a hold of a large segment of the American voting population. I mean, racism has been going on in an unbroken line for 400 years; to say that the controversy just started in 2011 when it’s been going on 80 times longer is to craft an astonishing falsehood. That people like Sargon believe it seems to indicate that they are hellbent on justifying their fight even if the have to lie about us to do so.

    Stop hurting the “model minority” with the model minority myth.

    OK, then there’s the model minority myth — the myth that because Asian-Americans are doing well, racism isn’t a serious problem US. I was taken aback that he brought this up, as this is widely known to be…well, a myth.

    Anyway, we went back and forth on this part of the discussion because, frustratingly, Sargon kept trying obfuscate the point. He kept trying to say that because they are doing well, racism isn’t a significant factor. As a result, he stated, we need to focus on combating class and not race.

    He’s wrong. Let’s go back in history a bit. As a CNN article reads:

    Most of the Asian immigrants who came after 1965, when the United States ended its restrictive national origin quotas, were high-skilled immigrants such as doctors, nurses, and engineers from countries like India, China, South Korea, and the Philippines. By contrast, most of the refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos lacked college degrees, and many did not even have a high school diploma.
    So, there’s complexity here. Another fact is that 79% of Asian Americans were foreign-born as of 2014. So, a lot of their advantage is due to whatever status they had before coming into this country.
    Unconvinced? Think about it. If this is true, what would you see? A major gap between the success of Asian Americans from India, China, South Korea, and the Philippines, who would be rich, and Asian Americans from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos, who would be poor.
    And this is what you see. Although Asian Americans make more dough than non-Hispanic whites, the gap between poor Asian Americans and rich Asian Americans is substantially larger than the gap between poor non-Hispanic whites and rich non-Hispanic whites.  The bottom 20% of Asian Americans are poorer than the bottom 20% of non-Hispanic whites. And who makes up this bottom 20%? As The Washington Post quotes:

    “The communities that we know aren’t doing so well — people from countries like Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia — they make up close to 40 [percent] to 45 percent of the Asian American population,” said Weller, a professor of public policy at the University of Massachusetts at Boston and a senior fellow at CAP. “By only looking at averages, you’re papering over the substantial struggles of a huge chunk of lower-income, less wealthy Asian Americans.”

    “The problem is that ‘Asian American’ doesn’t hold together as a category,” said Philip Cohen, a sociology professor at the University of Maryland. “The group is too diverse. It doesn’t really make sense to compare recent Chinese, Korean or Pakistani immigrants who are working in tech and engineering jobs to people who came as refugees in the 1980s and their working-class descendants.”

    The disturbing truth is that Sargon’s use of the model minority myth actually hurts the poorer Asian Americans who are not recent immigrants to the US who came under high immigration standards, and who are yet expected to live up to model minority status. As an NBCNews article reports:

    Even as detailed data on education and income across the diverse Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) spectrum has begun debunking this myth, experts say the stereotype still persists.

    For many young AAPIs, it means always rising to meet an academic bar that seems to perpetually move upward — or being afraid to ask for help in school because the model minority label suggests you don’t need it.

    That, experts say, can create additional pressures and lead to mental health issues.

    “Usually the model minority [label] does cause a lot of anxiety in a lot of the second-generation children,” Shanni Liang, a counselor for a mental health hotline in New York City, told NBC News. “We do get a lot of callers that have their first mental health breakdown in college.”

    You’ll see many stories like this if you search for and listen to them. The myth that Asian American success means racism is an insignificant factor is not only wrong; the myth is racist itself in that it hurts poorer Asian Americans who are not recent immigrants from selective pools at a fundamental level. This is part of why it is so disturbing that Sargon does not realize it is a myth and is a major advocate of it.

    Second, you should realize that the myth was originally used to say that desegregation wasn’t necessary — Asian Americans were doing OK, so it wasn’t needed. The fact is, however, that although there is a gravely racist background in the history of Asian Americans, they often were not segregated as much as black individuals were, as they could go to white-only schools in some states or were at times ushered to sit at the front of buses.  After WWII, elevating them was (and continues to be) a way to denigrate African Americans.  So not only is Sargon and his ilk wrong; they are repeating lies and disturbing stereotypes from the 1960s that historically and currently hold back African American and Asian American progress, and thus hold back society as a whole.

    Preaching marriage won’t erase the effects of discrimination.

    Then, apparently, Sargon thinks marriage will solve the black family’s ills, because black families have a high single parenthood rate.

    To state the obvious, you can’t force people to get married. If you have two people struggling to make ends meet, it doesn’t seem convincing that forcing them to marry will cure their ills. A marriage that either a man or woman is forced into will likely be detrimental to children, especially if it ends in divorce. The fact that you have a child with a man does not obligate you to marry the man, or vice versa. So, on a principle level, I’m against this solution.

    It’s not a matter of morality; it’s a matter of conditions in which people are able to get married and able to thrive once they are married. We can’t force people to get married, but we can impact laws that ensure the well-being of children.

    I also said this during the livestream:

    If you’re saying the problem is that a lot of these families are fatherless, I think that in many cases [that solution] works out to, in practice, being a non-starter. [The mentality is that] what needs to happen is that we don’t need to change the policies with which we’re interacting with these communities; what needs to happen is that we just need to preach morality to them so that they get married….

    [Crosstalk]

    If you have two parents, you have, oftentimes, two people who are able to look after children more, you have two incomes coming in, and so on. Yes. That’s not a moral judgment. I mean, that’s not a moral judgment. These are factors that go into raising children. But I think you can also apply those factors and take those factors apart and say, “Here’s a single mother; what does she need? She needs resources. She needs opportunities. She needs time to care for her children. Maybe when her child is first born, she needs maternity leave.” You can look at the advantages that these couples have and use them to see, “How can we change society for the better?”

    What I’m basically saying there, again, is that we can’t force people to get married. Saying that we should is basically the equivalent of doing nothing in these communities — or at least, that’s how it works in practice. But we can look at the advantages couples have in this country when it comes to raising children, and see if we can give some of those advantages to single women so that our society is filled with kids who are as healthy as possible. I suspect that’s possible — according to some studies, children from single-parent homes can do just as well as children from two-parent homes in European countries. I’m suspicious about the sincerity of people who insist on not encouraging help for single mothers, honestly — are you really concerned about children? Or are you concerned about preaching morality?

    As a Salon article once summarized:

    Most recently, Bhashkar Mazumder finds that, among those between the late 1950s and early 1980s, 50 percent of black children born into the bottom 20 percent of the income scale remained in the same position, while only 26 percent of white children born into the bottom 20 percent of the income scale remained in the same position. His research finds that the role of two-parent families for mobility is less important than conservatives assert. While living in a two-parent households increases upward mobility for blacks, it has no effect on upward mobility for white children, nor does it affect downward mobility for either race.  If marriage has a significant effect, it is not marriage per se, but rather income and parenting effects that are at work; married people by default have more incomes and more time to spend with children. The solution, then, is paid leave, universal pre-K and government-provided daycare, not wealthy conservatives clutching their pearls and chastising young people for not getting hitched.

    It also seems important to point out the statistical fact that the majority of married couples tend to be doing fairly well is largely due to the fact that financial stability is a major part of what makes a marriage possible and stable to begin with. As an Atlantic article states:

    The question is rather one of causality—marriage may not lift people out of poverty, but financial well-being sure does seem to make marriages stronger. As Kristi Williams of the Ohio State University told Annie Lowrey, “It isn’t that having a lasting and successful marriage is a cure for living in poverty. Living in poverty is a barrier to having a lasting and successful marriage.”

    So that’s another factor. The degree of a marriage’s success is linked to financial stability, and where there is less financial stability — as is often the case in black communities — there will likely be fewer marriages. Which further means that those who are single are more likely to be unmarried than those who are not.

    There are also several factors that make marriage harder among black families. One is racism against black women across races, because  although black women continue to be more desirable to black men than to other races, racism against black women makes them less desired by men, overall.  Another is high incarceration rates — famously, black men are more likely to be incarcerated than men of other races (especially when the influence of the drug war is considered). Still another is job discrimination, which obviously impacts the financial stability often linked to marriage success. And added to this is the fact that most black fathers do live with their children, and they do spend a substantial amount of time with them. Also, the income gap between black and white women exists whether black women are married or not (and black women work more than white women, married or not).

    The solution to these communities is not insisting on marriage, as if that would cure the effects of discrimination. Marriage itself is a personal decision, and using moralizing to scapegoat the effects of racism on the backs of struggling black communities in order to further take or deny resources that would help them (as seems to be either the intention or result) delays us from enacting common-sense reforms that would enable children to grow up in healthier environments. Furthermore, even if these couples did get married when they were not open to doing so, the conflict that may ensue would actually worsen outcomes for children. In short, this moralizing reinforces the effects of racism on black men and black women in this country, and seems to be a desperate attempt to blame black individuals for the institutionalized inequality they experience, an inequality that remains when married black couples are compared to married white ones.

    If you’re going to solve the problem of black inequality in this country, and improve outcomes for single mothers of all races (as the number is going up among all races) you’ll need to use more relevant and realistic common-sense reforms that make life healthier for them and their children.

    One last note: These issues strike me as extremely important, and it’s deeply disturbing that someone like Sargon is gaining prominence preaching solutions that so clearly do not solve inequality in order to ignore or detract from common-sense reforms we could be making, and the very real experience of racism black families face. The importance these issues held for me may have come out on the livestream — I did come across as hesitant at times because I was thoughtfully trying to get my arguments right. I try extremely hard to base what I state in this arena on the actual facts and on workable solutions, as opposed to just talking out of my ass. If I’m being honest, I wish people like Sargon and his crew would do this same — and insofar as they do not, it seems important to move past their rhetoric and focus on workable solutions that actually take into account the reality of the situations we are trying to remedy.

    Other Thoughts

    One part of this discussion that was particularly interesting occurred when Sargon tried to argue that embracing a “white” style of living was healthy — indeed arguing that this style of living was not “white” but the way that you would gain an edge in society. There are a lot of problems with this that were a bit difficult to state all at once…but I’d like to list them. First, that ignores the fact that individuals in struggling black communities, due to generational discrimination, do not have the option of pretending that they have the advantages of individuals in white communities. Second, this assumes that a culture primarily formed by the experiences of white individuals is superior to one primarily formed by the experiences of black individuals, which is not inherently true. White individuals and those who behave like they do may have an advantage in some parts of society, but that is due to societal norms that can be changed to accommodate or incorporate predominantly black cultures more smoothly. And indeed, I would argue, many of these societal norms are adjusting to create a place for this colorful diversity. Third, I think that Sargon drastically underestimates the ability black individuals have to be seen as on-par with white people, as even the black people who have the most respectable jobs often report discrimination on a regular basis.

    In summary, I don’t think many black people have the option of acting “white” in their communities (it often may not be to their benefit, even if they were), I do not think there is anything necessarily wrong with the overall culture of black communities and have noticed that societal norms increasingly seem to recognize this (cf. community policing that seems to protect these communities and respect them instead of demonizing them), I think Sargon drastically underestimates the ability black people could gain the status of “whiteness” even if they acted white, and as a result I think that respecting black communities will likely lead to better outcomes in them than demonizing them.
    Another thing that Sargon mentioned several times is the idea that discussing some of the inequality in society as race-based is an excuse. This is a weak argument; if the reason for inequality in opportunity for a country is race-based, then that’s not just an excuse for the individual; it is in all our best interests to remedy that situation so that less of society is held back by racism. This will increase earnings, progress as a country, GDP, and so on. It’s not just about black individuals. It’s about the well-being of this country as a whole, and the kinds of environments we as a society can create that will enable us to flourish (especially in places we aren’t — because that’s capital we are missing out on if we aren’t trying to solve the situation).
    Finally, Sargon also asked me when we would stop. I didn’t know what he was referring to — if he was talking about stopping the cultures inherent in black communities, or about stopping the fight for black equality. Regarding the former, I have no intention of stopping, though we may improvise on that culture. Regarding the fight for black equality — I would stop fighting once the statistics showed black vs white discrimination wasn’t prominent anymore in a wide arena of sectors in society. But the implication that now I should stop, when discrimination is still rampant — that’s mindblowing to me.

    Thank you for reading.

    PS: I want to thank all 34 of my patrons for supporting this blog. It’s a pleasure to work with you.

  • God Doesn’t Work for Me. But What If It’s Different for Some People?

    I’ve been asking myself some tough questions on religion lately, and I’d like to share them with you.

    The thing is that I’ve seen religion make a lot of people really happy, and I don’t want to take that away. Sure, it makes people sad, too, and it licenses a lot of damaging views. But if the root of what I’m trying to do is reduce pain and suffering while maximizing happiness and joy in people’s lives, then why would I want to work hard to take away something from someone that gives them profound happiness, so long as it’s not hurting themselves and others? The key might be to encourage them to use their heart, appealing to it to discourage them from hurting other people.

    And I think that might be possible. I’ve seen evidence that it is. I, for example, can’t think of “sin” without coming back to the repressive fundamentalist Christianity I grew up in. And that’s true for a lot of people. But I’ve also seen people who use the concept of “sin” in a much healthier way that I once didn’t think was possible by defining it as the aspects of life that don’t enable them to pursue the lives they ultimately wanted to pursue. Not the life other people want to impose on them against their will – the life THEY genuinely want. And it helps them organize their lives with a sense of compassion towards other people and a focus on the kind of self they personally want to be.

    I think that might be somewhat healthy…as long as the ideal you’re pursuing is not preached as something you necessarily have to be. As long as it’s not something that’s forced on you, taking away your sense of happiness and value at a fundamental level. As long as it’s not hurting other people.

    Because when it comes down to it, my main objection to belief in God is that it hurts people. And where it hurts people, where they’re crying because images of hell have been buried in their craniums by a preacher, where they’re suicidal because their church taught that the beautiful desires they feel were evil, where they struggle under the restrictions of the same rituals others may find beautiful…that’s where I have problems.

    The problems seem to spring from the God made by men – a God who you can’t question – being forced onto you, extinguishing the person you genuinely want to be and are.

    Let me put this another way: When I was a kid in the church pew, preachers talked often about how definitions of God were made up by men, and today Christians still tell me that the definitions of God that I was given were less than genuine. These false pictures of God, preachers once told me, would cripple me in various ways – either in the present life or in eternity. So I had to be discerning so that I didn’t accept unhealthy versions of God.

    And even as an atheist – or, perhaps, even more so as an atheist – I still believe that. Manmade definitions of God that come from the outside, that are imposed on you (often against your will) can be deeply damaging and unhealthy.

    But I’ve seen another way of thinking from some people…

    When I was a Christian, many people spoke of having a “personal relationship” with God. That strikes me – the undercurrent of that ideal seems to be that a personal relationship is one that other people don’t impose on you, but one that’s strictly between you and a God that is beyond human definition or coercive control. As a Christian, I tried to develop that relationship, and searched for it. As I did, the personal relationship that developed eventually deepened underneath all of what increasingly seemed to be a manmade God, and eventually I became convinced that it was all manmade, down to the core. So the relationship I thought I was trying to develop with God was ultimately, it seemed, one I was developing with myself. When I realized that, I became an atheist.

    But even as an atheist, I’m wondering these days if there’s something to this “personal relationship.” Like, you can do rituals because the pastor or priest says that’s what you have to do, or you can do them because you choose to (without any pressure or guilt-tripping, which is vile in my opinion) and they personally make you happy, giving you a personal sense of comfort. Maybe that connection to what that personal relationship gives you can be thoroughly controlled by you and your thinking and empathy for other people.

    Perhaps that paradigm shift is rare, but I think I’ve seen it in some places. And if it is possible for some to have a deeply personal relationship with God (or, for us atheists who think he doesn’t exist, with a god-concept) that gives some a sense of peace, that encourages them to have empathy with other people, that enables them to reach their goals, that encourages them to use their minds to make this world a better place…then it’s hard for me to be angry about it.

    There might even be a beauty to it. Because, as an atheist, it is deeply inspiring for me to see people who have developed life philosophies that enable them to get through some of the jaw-dropping hardness and cruelty and stress that happens in life. It’s incredibly courageous and beautiful for me to see, especially knowing that there is no God, and that some people made up a concept, that they did that, in order to empower their minds, fuel them towards healthy goals, and enrich the hearts they have for other people.

    Yeah…

    So, this is part of why I’m not an anti-theist anymore. I’m more interested in making people happy and encouraging humanity to make progress that will lead to increased happiness than I am in getting rid of God. As an atheist, I wouldn’t mind particularly if a side effect to this happiness is that people drop their love for the concept of God for a love for people. But if there are god-accented roads to increased love for people and happiness in people that seem more promising in certain contexts or for certain people…maybe that’s OK, too.

    Thanks for reading.

  • The Humility of Pride

    Then he said to them all: “Whoever wants to be my disciple must deny themselves and take up their cross daily and follow me.” — Luke 9:23

    “Shun the ‘transcendent’ and all who invite you to subordinate or annihilate yourself.” — Christopher Hitchens

    For a long time I was taught, and believed, that the greatest thing you could do is humble yourself before God. You had to make yourself low and humble so that all your worth came from God, not from yourself.

    That belief carried into my atheism. I mean, God was gone, but the concept of humility was not. I thought that humbling myself was a good thing, a beautiful thing. So I tried to do that — saying I was nothing, focusing on the negative parts of myself, etc.

    I’ve found that when I focus on the negative parts of myself, they tend to multiply. So I’m forcing myself to do something else. I’m forcing myself to focus on the positive parts of myself. And sometimes, when I do this, that guilty voice starts to creep in, telling me, “You’re getting too proud. You have to humble yourself. You’re not that great. This is wrong.”

    So I fight that voice, as of late.

    No, I’m not saying that I’m perfect. But if I’m going to be a better person, the key is not to look at the places I’m weak and bemoan them, but to look at the places I’m strong, find confidence in openly admitting to myself that I’m strong in them, and in the exuberance of that confidence become stronger in them.

    It’s a complete paradigm shift.

    And yeah, people will say that I don’t have a right to say see I’m strong in the things I’m good at. Sometimes they’re right, but sometimes they’re just trying to bring me down, to say that I’m deficient somehow, and to get me focus on my deficiencies. You know, those friends who are the first ones in lines to pile on you when you failed, and criticize or only begrudgingly applaud your successes? The ones who give advice, not to help you, but because they want to underline how you’re always doing or thinking something wrong? Before, I used to consider those voices. I guess a couple are good for blind spots. I thought these were the good friends, though, the ones who told it like it is — and a lot of it had to do with the way I was raised.

    But maybe the best friends are the ones in your corner, the ones who genuinely believe in you, the ones who seek to uplift you with feedback instead of wear you down, the ones who encourage you when you’ve failed or tripped and are cheering you when you succeed. And maybe they give criticisms, but it’s always with a recognition of mutual respect for who you are, and your respect for who they are.

    That’s not to say that people can’t criticize me. But it’s a paradigm shift. Where before I might have focused on the one or two dissenters among the crowd supporting me, recently I’ve been trying to focus on the support instead of the dissent.

    This is not a way to stay stagnant, of course — it’s an exuberance. It’s a joy. It’s an excitement of “I’m good at this — I’m looking forward to doing this more!!!” And I haven’t really allowed myself to feel that over the past few years.

    Maybe that’s why I run out of gas on some projects, too. I listen to the naysayers. If I listen to the people I help, the people who say “thank you,” the people I actually encourage, the people who believe in me because I believe in them, maybe I’ll not only have more staying power — maybe I’ll flourish.

    In a way, there is something humbling about this viewpoint. There’s no God here to lift me up. It’s just me, and you, by ourselves, making our way through a vast and sometimes overwhelming universe.

    It’s in the humility of realizing that we are on our own that we can start to embrace the ways we make life better for each other and contribute things of value to our mutual miniscule existences on this spinning ball of dust.

    Thanks for reading.

    PS: I just want to thank all 34 of my patrons who help me write on this blog. Y’all are awesome.

  • How “Free Exchange of Ideas” Naivety Limits Free Speech

    Do the best ideas naturally rise to the top?

    I’ve noticed, lately, that several people who insist on protecting the free exchange of ideas seem to portray this exchange as one that is already occurring on a flat surface. The implicit claim is that everyone is initially at the same starting point; at the beginning, we supposedly all have the same opportunity to be heard. The ideas that naturally rise to the top are, many seem to think, going to be the best ideas. As a result, we need to police the expression of ideas as little as possible (or not at all), and allow the free exchange of ideas to do its thing. The ideas that survive are going to be the most beneficial ones — the ones closest to the truth, because truth has a tendency to endure the lies.

    Far from abolishing limits in the arena of speech, however, the naivety of this view actually encourages, however unintentionally, an oppressive limiting of free expression.

    Because this ideal of a naturally free and open exchange of ideas, in which the best ideas automatically rise to the top, ignores the fact that the real world is not an ideal flat surface. The real world has power imbalances. Good ideas do not naturally rise to the surface; in the real world, we often have to be fight to hear the most important voices, and it’s hard for them to be heard above the dominant voices that are constantly shutting them down.

    For example: If you were an American slave in the 18th century, you would not have as much of a say regarding what went on in this country as a white landowner. Obviously. Now, the white landowners can talk about the free exchange of ideas all they want. The fact is that the exchange is not free. If you talk back to your master, you may be whipped or otherwise punished. If you try to express yourself through voting, you will be denied. If your master asks you, in front of his guests, whether you think you should be free, your response — if you want to stay in your powerful master’s good favor, is “No, sir. I’m happy here.”

    It’s not an equal playing field. It took the bloodiest war in our history, the Civil War, to even remotely attempt to even out that discourse. Free speech was limited for the slave. And sure, you could disagree — but you wouldn’t be heard. Instantly, if you said “Yes, sir” the whites at the table might laugh at you or dismiss you, and say that you didn’t know what was good for you — after all, slavery was beneficial to the blacks, or so the lore went. And you would be demeaned and face negative consequences at the plantation.

    It is thoroughly extraordinary to me that many of these plantation owners signed the Declaration of Independence, which proudly proclaimed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal and endowed with certain inalienable rights….”

    While holding slaves. How does a slave have the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness? How could these people say that when they owned slaves?

    Because the slaves didn’t matter. Because their discourse didn’t matter. Because the slaves could not speak effectively in the “free speech” arena.

    How “But That’s in the Past” Hypocrisy Seeks to Silence Perspectives

    “But wait,” you might say. “That was slavery. This is now; we’re past that.”

    Are we, though?

    I would argue that even now the slaves cannot speak. I mean, I am expected, as a black man with ancestors who were slaves, to look at that Declaration of Independence in awe, as a treasured piece of our history.  Like the slave in 1776, the pattern of silencing the angry slave whose master was looking for freedom while forcing that slave to work the fields is perpetuated in my situation — we are still not allowed to say, in several corners, that the Declaration of Independence is a hypocritical sham. Time is the excuse used — that happened yesterday. But I don’t think that’s the real rationale; I don’t trust it. I suspect that the real reasoning is that people don’t want the Declaration of Independence challenged today, any more than they wanted it challenged in 1776, and that the entire motive is to silence a discourse that disturbs them, that fundamentally challenges the foundations of this country.

    Think of the hypocrisy: the Declaration of Independence, it is insisted, is a great document of the past that we should revere, but we should forget slaves because slavery was yesterday — even though both phenomena happened at the exact same time. When you see hypocrisy like this, it is rational to see the principle as a fraud, something hiding a real motive — in this case, to silence the slave discourse and to perpetuate the founding slave owners’ discourse.

    The trend has a disturbing consistency, passed down from generation to generation. In the 19th century, the slave was not allowed to speak. His voice was muffled. And it is STILL muffled, because to allow the slave to speak today requires a fundamental reworking and rethinking of all we see in America, a paradigm shift that challenges the way this country fundamentally thinks about itself and its inhabitants.

    To realize that the bloody Civil War was fought not just because of a hallowed view of the South, with the ideal of gentlemen of leisure lounging on plantations drinking mint juleps on the veranda, protected by dignified generals who valued honor and a rich cultural heritage — to go from that perspective to welcoming the perspective of the angry blacks in the fields, singing spirituals that were not merely romantic and beautiful, but expressions of what it was like to be cruelly silenced by their chains, the whips, and the ideological entrapment forced on them by a hypocritically applied Bible — to do that would be to fundamentally change the power dynamics of discourse in history and in America today.

    Let me get down to the bones of this truth:

    No one actually wants to forget the past. When someone says, “Slavery was so long ago, forget about it,” they are saying that because they want to stay in power — because there are other things they, without notable exception, will not let us forget. They want to preserve the unequal discourse that has been enforced and perpetuated since before the dawn of this nation.

    Think about it. The same people who tell us to forget about slavery, voting disenfranchisement, lynchings, segregation, the drug war, police brutality, court system inequality, and the rest, are the ones who insist on celebrating events that happened at the exact same times as the ones they insist we forget. They are the loudest when it comes to protecting Columbus day, complaining about a Native American view of Thanksgiving, hallowing the Declaration of Independence as what made America great in 1776, praising police actions, and glorifying the Civil War South as an indication of the rich heritage and honor embodied by the South.

    Do you find the double standard confusing? It’s very simple. The concern was never about forgetting the past. It was always and only about silencing uncomfortable discourses. When you were a slave you could not speak because you did not know what was good for yourself, which was being in the fields and respecting the honor and dignity of the South. Now time has passed, but you still don’t know what’s good for yourself. You can never speak a critical word against our precious narrative. Let it stay intact, they insist.

    How “Snowflake” Hypocrisy Preserves Silencing Tactics

    For all the talk of snowflakes, it is THEM who are the vulnerable ones, the ones protecting their lies from uncomfortable truths. It is their precious narrative that protects the ideology of their past, as surely as religious tyrants of yesterday insured that religious demographics become what they are today.

    The slave owners have passed a legacy of protecting their narrative on to their descendants and fellow whites, which is why it continues to this day. The power of this legacy is protected not only by the lie that yesterday’s treatment of relatively silenced groups has no consequences or enduring effects, but also by the lie that the power dynamics in any given discourse are inherently equal, that oppression is a lie, that the flat ground of ideas keeps all discourse fair.

    Because it doesn’t. We know it doesn’t. Minorities and marginalized groups that have long been silenced or ignored know it doesn’t, and if you don’t know it doesn’t, either you are being willfully ignorant or you have not heard us speak our actual experiences, because the movement to silence us and to protect the precious narratives that exclude our voices has had centuries to build itself up and remains extremely strong.

    How the Myth Perpetuates and Hides Real-World Oppression of Unjustly Silenced Voices

    Here’s a concrete example:

    Arguably, no place better embodies the place most would prefer to believe that there is a free exchange of ideas and open discourse than a courtroom. But does anyone really believe that anyone is going to believe a Texas sheriff over a black man he abused in a court of law, if there is no actual videotape evidence? Even if there IS videotape evidence, it’s doubtful. We know from videotape that cops lie frequently. It’s a case where the ideal narrative people apply to a court of law — that the free exchange of ideas leads to a fair verdict — simply does not apply in reality. To insist it does is to, rather infuriatingly, deny that the cop has a tremendous inherent advantage, given decades or hundreds of years of history. And that cop’s free speech limits the free speech of the defendant — clearly. That limiting puts that defendent in jail.

    Seriously. More than 90% of cases these days end in plea bargains — in which the defendant pleads guilty to lower their sentence rather than fight it out in the courts — often by people who claim they didn’t commit the crime.

    Free speech? Hardly. And yet that’s the ideal we apply to a courtroom, as in other arenas. But it does not happen, because the power dynamics and biases, developed over hundreds of years, make the situation unequal. And this dynamic is a continuation of yesterday — law enforcement today still contains KKK members, on occasion.

    These power dynamics are baked deep into society, and they exist far before anyone starts to open their mouth to speak. Think about it — after slavery, blacks couldn’t vote. They had a harder time getting a job. They had to drink in a different water fountain, ride in the back of the bus, live in a different part of town, take their kids to a different school, go to a different church, get a different level of employment — they could speak, but their voice would not matter. If it was the black man’s word against a white man’s word, the black man would be lynched for so much as looking at a white girl. Black people and white people both took drugs, but black people are the ones who saw prison time. The voice of a white person mattered vastly more in the past, and it matters a lot more now — by design, through hundreds of years of history, before you and I was born.

    That’s why marijuana was so dangerous, for example, in the eyes of the law, and the narrative that it wasn’t took so long to get into the mainstream — because the so-called “arena of free discourse” silenced black speech, limited their speech, and ensured they got thrown in jail…and still determines that they get thrown in jail. Now that white people like it, in several places people can sell the same thing at the same rate that got black people locked away for life, for years.

    That’s why we took so darn long to stop the AIDS epidemic. If it had been straight white men getting it, it would have mattered (and when they got it, it started to matter a bit more). But because it was gay men, it took forever…and still impedes the fight against AIDS. It isn’t like they didn’t speak up, either — they did. But in the so-called “free exchange of ideas,” people died, because the exchange was not free. Some voices were more powerful than others due to the inherent biases entrenched and reinforced in culture, and as a result millions of people have been buried, and AIDS became a more serious problem.

    That’s why transphobia exists, with disastrous consequences. It’s not like trans people aren’t speaking up — they are, but to say that the discourse is equal is absolutely false. When people use transphobic slurs and arguments against trans people, they are silencing their discourse — as they have for hundreds (and possibly thousands) of years.

    That’s why many in the US don’t believe in climate change. It’s not like scientists aren’t speaking up. It’s that there are severe biases in the free exchange of ideas. Correcting those biases does not mean simply letting everyone talk — it means being perceptive about oppressed or irrationally marginalized voices, and giving them a mike, and allowing them to change the narrative.

    I mean, Trump lies ALL THE TIME. He lied so much that he got Lie of the Year in 2015 from the Pulitzer-Prize-winning Politifact. And yet he won an election. If that doesn’t convince you that, in the free exchange of ideas, the best ideas don’t naturally rise to the top, I don’t know what will.

    The lies that he tells actually silence the truth. They impede free and rational discourse from taking place.

    How the Lie Perpetuates Fake News, Bullying, and Other Effective Mutings of the Truth

    Yeah, I know it’s hard to get past the lie that free discourse, on an equal playing field, is what we have in the Western World. But the fact is that good ideas aren’t heard without a fight. Facebook has to combat this viciously — fake news is MUCH more successful on an unpoliced Facebook than the truth, for example. Cyberbullying is rampant in free speech arenas, but it has the effect of silencing speech, not encouraging it — for every popular bully, there are dozens of potentially successful voices that are bullied and intimidated into silence, which is why YouTube and Twitter crack down. Bullies on social media create a Lord-of-the-Flies dynamic that ultimately will crash their platforms.

    Now, I’m gonna get into some specific, lower-scale examples here. Viewpoints popular online (on sites like YouTube).

    The people who are popular online are not popular, necessarily, because they are right. Popularity is not something you necessarily get for being right, it is something you get for saying what people want to hear. And what people want to hear is their biases, which have been embedded in culture through hundreds of years of effort. Joel Osteen is not popular because he is right. He is popular because of an arena of forces — sometimes through discourse, sometimes through the courts, and sometimes through brute force — that has created a landscape that gives his message an inherent advantage. That’s why he wins so much in the so-called “open exchange of ideas.”

    The same with several popular online voices. And this popularity has the power to silence when it is used to bully.

    I have seen, countless times, people who are in groups that have historically been kept silent be forced to remain silent through demeaning from those who reinforce the status quo of bias. People who make YouTube channels, for example, and then are forced out when an “attack” video sends millions over to the video to bury it in insults and abuse and threats. These are personal stories I’ve seen that I hesitate to bring up individually, simply because several of these people are trying to get as little attention from abusive people as possible, but they exist.

    Pretending that the playing field is equal is just that — pretending. There is not a free exchange of ideas in the context of radically unequal power dynamics, the centuries-old reinforcement of biases, and the constant policing of these silenced groups.

    And so, in light of that, we need to ask whether we want to fight oppression or perpetuate the lie of a mythical “free exchange of ideas” in which supposedly equal power dynamics don’t silence free speech of the most vulnerable people among us.

    Because those most oppressed, those most suffering for who they fundamentally are as human beings, are, historically and currently, those least likely to be heard due to the interest many have in protecting traditional narratives, those most afraid of repercussions from speaking, and those most vulnerable.

    If the concern is fighting oppression, we need to realize we don’t live in a free speech utopia, be honest about the power dynamics silencing these voices, and give them a safe place to speak where they won’t have to fear for their lives or well-being…at least, no more than the rest of us.

    Far from being harmless, speech is an action that lays borders and real-world consequences for other speech. The right-wing myth that speech is somehow void of real consequences and thus should not be complained about is another tool to perpetuate oppressive power dynamics.

    How do I know? Hypocrisy.

    Call someone the n-word or joke about racist stereotypes that effectively silence honest black voices from being effective in today’s discourse, and the right-wing audience shouts “free speech.”

    Point out that these stereotypes and the n-word perpetuate a racism that has real consequences for blacks in this country, politically, socially, and economically, and that such speech is “racist” — and suddenly you are shouted at to not call people racists by the very same would-be free speech warriors.  

    Suddenly, they are acutely aware that such speech has consequences. Not to mention the fact that, as is obvious from the very title of “anti-SJW” that they give themselves, much of what they say are RESPONSES to speech, attempts to invalidate and thus silence speech, an activity they and their followers spend a lot of time doing through mocking and downvotes and threats and the rest. They know that the “sticks and stones may break my bones, but words will never hurt me” adage is a load of excrement, or they wouldn’t be spending so much time attacking the words threatening to break the insulation of their centuries-old traditional narratives.

    It’s not about free speech. It’s about protecting power and thus limiting free speech from sources they disagree with.

    On Expanding Boundaries of Speech without Enabling Oppressive Views

    If you are tricked into believing the principles of free discourse are ones that most in the right-wing/alt-right “free speech” crowd actually believes and takes seriously, you’ll be bewildered, as many are, when so-called “anti-SJWs” seem to repeatedly violate their own principles of free discourse. The principles were not the point; the point was always to silence discourses that don’t agree with theirs.

    In spite of insistence on the free exchange of ideas, the use of popularity to create power dynamics that effectively silence discourses they disagree with is fundamental to their discourse. They aren’t trying to protect free speech. They are constructing limits to free speech, silencing and invalidating discourse, and the popularity is not fueled by their correctness — it is fueled by the anxiety people have when traditional narratives are fundamentally challenged. To the extent we encourage these voices in the place of the voices they effectively silence and diminish, we may be perpetuating patterns of domination and oppression, not promoting a free discourse of ideas that can end patterns of oppression. If we’re going to try to encourage the truth to be heard and end injustice, we are going to have to be honest about the world that we’re living in and deal with the tough questions that result from that honesty, encouraging oppressed voices to speak in the process — and being able to recognize that oppression not from mere popular discourse, but from the actual facts at our disposal…realizing that traditional narratives or ways of looking at culture are going to have an inherent advantage at almost every turn.

    We will have to differentiate, as well, between those who are attacking people, and those who are attacking views.  The two are not the same. If you have a viewpoint that attacks people — say, if you a Nazi who thinks that Jews might overthrow American society because of their inherent qualities — you are more dangerous than a Jew who hates a Nazi. The Nazi hates the Jew for who the Jew, fundamentally, is — the response of hating the viewpoint is only natural. Same with other groups. Such differentiations are crucial for determining which views are protecting the right of a person to exist in the world — as who they are, not merely what they believe — and which views are oppressively silencing that right. As we try to open up, protect, and encourage arenas of discourse, it seems crucial to carefully keep these differences in mind…and thus make progress in breaking down the oppressive voices that limit the free speech and lives of the vulnerable people in our society.

    Thank you for reading.

    PS: I want to thank all 34 of my patrons for supporting blog posts like this. Y’all are awesome!

  • Conference to Give Anti-SJWs Strategic Platform in Atheist Community

    On Saturday, September 30th, 2017, several atheist celebrities will be at the fourth annual Mythicist Milwaukee Mythinformation Conference. The more well-known names include Matt Dillahunty, Richard Carrier, Aron Ra (edit: Aron Ra has recently decided not to attend. His wife cited the reasons here), and Seth Andrews. Their presence at this conference is being well-publicized.

    But the people coming to hear these people speak are going to be disappointed. Because none of them are giving a talk.

    Which is…weird. I mean, Matt Dillahunty, the one exception, will only serve as a moderator for a debate; he’s not speaking.

    Who is? Well, a few YouTubers who have never really spoken at a conference, so far as I’m aware (I’m sure you’ll correct me if I’m wrong): YouTubers by the monikers “Armored Skeptic,” “Shoe On Head,” and “Sargon of Akkad.” And then, in addition, the organizer Melissa Chen, who also largely holds anti-SJW views. And yeah, there’s a guy named Thomas Smith who isn’t an anti-SJW, but he’s just gonna be interviewing Sargon of Akkad.

    Why, in a conference attended by so many shining stars of the atheist movement, aren’t any of the celebrities speaking?

    It’s a simple mystery. Here’s the clue: All the speakers at this skeptic conference are anti-SJWs who, for the most part, haven’t had a prominent voice on the atheist conference scene before.

    A bit of background: See, the three YouTubers speaking were not given opportunities to speak at VidCon 2017, the major YouTube conference. In spite of the fact that they are fairly popular on YouTube, they have been unable to cross over into a legitimate, respectable level of status…possibly because their views were considered disrespectful to marginalized groups, and the organizers of the conference didn’t want to give those views a platform.

    Now that anti-SJW YouTubers have failed to gain legitimacy in the arena of YouTube, it seems they need a stepping stone. Enter the much smaller American atheist community.

    And honestly…the conference seems to be a way to give their views legitimacy in the atheist community. I mean, why else would you have these anti-SJWs (who aren’t known as much, these days, for criticizing religion) speak, and have atheist “celebrities” merely come to watch, acting as window-dressing, than to give their more sidelined views legitimacy?

    Lest you have any doubt, here are excerpts from speaker introductions. Pay attention to the parts in the italics (and note how there is nothing complimentary about Thomas Smith, the sole person in this list who isn’t an anti-SJW):

    June, also known as “Shoe0nhead”, is a popular YouTube content creator from New York who enjoys ranting about the bizarre world we live in today.

    Chen is launching a non-profit called Ideas Beyond Borders which promotes the free exchange of ideas and defends human rights through education, building partnerships, research, and technology to counter extremist narratives and authoritarian institutions.

    Carl “Sargon of Akkad” Benjamin is a popular independent Vlogger with nearly 600,000 subscribers on YouTube.   A skeptic of ideologies both theological and political, his channel is dedicated to rational arguments backed by evidence.  Sometimes a polemicist, at other times soft spoken, Sargon of Akkad has created a considerable amount of content regarding skeptical thought.

    Thomas Smith is the host of the popular podcast Serious Inquiries Only where he interviews various members of the atheist and skeptic communities. He’s also a co-host on the podcast Opening Arguments and Comedy Shoe Shine, and former host of Thomas and The Bible.

    If you check out what these anti-SJWs produce, you’ll see that the views they publicly support are often ones that counter feminism and anti-racism. Prototypically anti-SJW views, for the most part. And each of the italics above leave room for criticizing religion AND social justice views (at least, when you’re looking at social justice from an anti-SJW perspective).

    And the headliners, YouTubers ShoeOnHead and her boyfriend, Armored Skeptic, have plenty of room to discuss these views under the banner of their presentation on “Skepticism in the Social Media Age” that, given the discussions that frequent their pages, is more likely to have to do with skepticism towards social justice values, than towards (as the title might falsely hint at to an unsuspecting conference attendee) religion. I mean, if you go to ShoeOnHead’s YouTube page, you’ll see that none of the videos really have anything to do with religion, in the first place. They almost all (with few exceptions) seek to criticize feminism, delegitimatize attempts to fight against racism, or invalidate exposures of transphobia.

    Now, if you read what I write, you’ll know where I stand on social justice issues. But what I’m writing here is not a condemnation of these speakers, necessarily (for example, I like Melissa Chen, although I disagree with her frequently).

    This is just calling a spade, a spade, and letting conference-goers know what to expect.

    In spite of the well-publicized phenomenon of the atheist celebrities showing up, this is not your average atheism conference. These celebrities, it seems, are there as window dressing — a way to give additional prestige to these voices in a way that seems engineered to give anti-SJW thought greater legitimacy in American atheism, and to show that social justice ideals might be as ill-placed and mythical as religion. Perhaps this anti-SJW perspective failed when it came to the more respectable, “legitimate” corners of YouTube, but if its representatives can get a respectable, influential platform in the much smaller atheism community…maybe they can build on it.

    And, so far as I can see, this conference is less about criticizing religion, and more about giving anti-SJW views that platform.

    Which, admittedly, may make the atheist community more uncomfortable for me, but there’s no sense in denying the obvious…

    Just a head’s up, to save you from spending all that money just to mistakingly go to an anti-SJW public relations campaign.

    Thanks for reading.

    PS: I want to thank all 34 of my patrons for making blog posts like this possible.